Move fast and break things – this is the poster that one of the Tech Giant CEOs is supposed to have in his office. The invitation to ignore social conventions, perhaps even to avoid consulting people and talking things through, is a signature of managers in a hurry. Thinking, talking can disrupt progress and slow everything down. In UK politics we have some very vivid examples of this attitude, when the current government prorogued parliament to prevent any more deliberation, or when they use procedures intended to facilitate anti-terror legislation to rush through changes to Education policy. Enough talk getting in the way, we need to deliver things.
So politics, the way that people living in groups make decisions, is under particular strain at the moment, and so too in organisations.
The German sociologist Hartmut Rosa has commented at length on the way that ineluctable and amplifying social acceleration puts political processes out of kilter with the fast pace of change and creates double binds. The more complex the issues we face, the more we need to deliberate; the more time we take to deliberate the more the complex issues we face escalate and evade our control even further. Acting fast and breaking things is not just the first recourse of technocrats and demagogues, but may also be a response to the pell-mell pace of change where we find ourselves, as Rosa points out, in a state of frenetic standstill. Many organisations are in exactly this position, particularly if they have committed to the ideology of transforming things. But the one constant is change, so despite the fact that everything changes, nothing changes.
Contemporary management discourse has always had a bit coy about politics and its role in making decisions in groups, particularly with the erosion of traditional forms of authority. The exercise of power in organisations, particularly when your leader is supposed to be authentic needs to be a bit more subtle than command and control. As the psychological contract between employer and employee has attenuated, so we need more sophisticated ways of bringing about coherence, and sometimes obedience, in organisations.
There are various forms of charismatic appeal to cover over politics, the invitation to believe in the vision, or to follow the transformational leader. These might take the form of mystical appeals to the ‘purpose’ of the organisation as they do with Laloux, which is thought to be above and beyond the interests of any individual or group of individuals. This is a familiar trope of pathetic fallacy where the organisation is understood as a ‘living, breathing whole’ to which its employees should submit. Another form of idealism would be any understanding construed in the social constructionist or appreciative schools of thought, which consider power and politics as ‘just another discourse’ and ones which can be airily waved away with a more positive perspective. It is quite unusual for particularly North American scholarship to deal explicitly with questions of power and politics in organisations. We may be invited to leave our politics at the door, or to refuse to gossip about each other, or always to be open and transparent.
Next there are various forms of categorisation of politics, sometimes into the usual two by two Cartesian co-ordinates familiar in business school teaching. Scholars in this tradition acknowledge that there is inevitably politics in organisations, and that can even be a good thing. But there are good politics and bad politics. Bad politics are those which prevent us from achieving our goals and making us more effective, while bad politics is dysfunctional. The role of the manager, then, is to stand outside what is going on, identify what is helpful and what isn’t and steer politics towards effective organisational ends. This might be by setting clear and measurable goals, and thematic organisational objectives. Or scholars may even take the Goldilocks position: not too much politics, not too little, but just right. A similar argument is often used with complexity, where there is an assumption that managers can control complexity in the organisation by steering ‘it’ towards organisational ends, and/or that the complexity does not implicate them, or that ‘just enough’ complexity is required, or even that complexity is always good and creative. Managers are assumed to be above the politics which they are trying to influence, and as with much of the realist managerial discourse. They are reflexively mute, unable to take their own position, and their own limitations and interests into account, because they are assumed to be the same as the organisation they steward.
Alternatively there are various methods arising in Organisational Development (OD), which claim to design politics away. They do so by proceduralising employee engagement, while making the moral claim that these ways of working produce greater democracy, harmony and effectiveness in organisations. The various manifestations of sociocracy or holocracy, claim to work against the traditional limitations of top down bureaucracies by creating explicit, rule-governed ways of working which distribute power, thus allowing workers, and the organisation as a whole, to be more entrepreneurial and ‘agile’. One way of thinking about these developments is that they simply replace explicit and formal power with implicit and shadow forms of power, where the most obvious social capital is gained through a commitment to the ideology itself. The ideal of trumping politics, the messy, uncertain human process of exploring how we might go on together, with rational and technical methods, is as old as humanity itself, and certainly was one of the principal informants of the rise of scientific management.
If we return to the original definition of politics above, the way people in groups make decisions, and think about it from a complexity perspective, then as members of groups there is no standing outside what we are all engaged with, all of the time. Managers cannot control how people respond to each other to get things done: there is no political ‘system’ to be manipulated, no procedures which will be complete enough, or obvious enough without a lot of political negotiation and interpretation. Nor is there any point in trying to ban gossip, or inviting people to be totally open and transparent. This is not an argument for doing the opposite, of course, but how transparent to be and when will always be a matter of judgement. It matters that senior people in organisations appeal to colleagues to work for the good of the organisation, but exactly what that means in particular situations will always need to be negotiated through. The person who gets to decide what is good for the organisation is in a very powerful position.
So managers are also part of the political game, and have their own interests, more or less legitimate, and more or less explicit, and more or less ‘aligned’ with those of the organisation. We are caught up together because we are interdependent, and there can be no taking the next step together unless our interdependencies are at the heart of the matter. It is not at all obvious in advance what productive or positive politics looks like. We can certainly take a view about what unproductive politics looks like, since we will all have our stories about having been caught up in them. Our relationships can be influenced, people can be persuaded and cajoled, they can be threatened, or they can be invited to follow the dream of a better world. But the alternative to some kind of political, deliberative process is to move fast and break things, a shattering which can lead to tyranny and violence, or at the very least to people feeling unrecognised, or misrecognised. If politics is the art of the possible, a negotiation of the uncertain, then, as Hannah Arendt warns, the outcomes of tyranny and violence are even more uncertain. Perhaps politics is the least worst option.